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Submission to US House of Representatives

Karen National Union Submission

About the Karen National Union

The Karen National Union (KNU) is a democratic organisation supporting peace, democracy, and human rights in a federal Burma. It is estimated that there are more than 7 million Karen people in Burma. The Karen National Union is the leading political organisation representing the aspirations of the Karen people. The KNU was founded in 1947, its predecessor organisations date back to 1881.

US Support For Human Rights and Democracy in Burma

The KNU would like to thank the American people and United States government for their longstanding support for the people of Burma in our struggle for freedom. Under successive administrations the United States of America has led the way in delivering principled political support, and practical support. We are grateful for the United States for introducing targeted economic sanctions, delivering high level political pressure, sponsoring a proposed resolution at the United Nations Security Council, providing financial support for the promotion of democracy, providing aid, including cross-border aid, and accepting thousands of Karen refugees as part of the U.S. Resettlement Program.

The Current Situation

It is our impression that the situation of the ethnic people of Burma, and opinions of their representative organisations, are not given adequate consideration by the international community when developing policy approaches to Burma.  The situation of ethnic people, most of whom live in rural areas, is very different from the challenges faced by the urban population, even those who are engaged in political activities.

For 60 years the Karen people have been facing a military offensive in which the Burmese Army deliberately targets civilians, committing appalling human rights abuses such as rape of women and young children, torture, mutilations, being used as slave labour, looting, extortion and the burning of thousands of villages. These abuses are parts of the dictatorships ‘Four Cuts’ policy, which began in the late 1960’s of depriving those who resist their rule of supplies, information, recruits and food. The United Nations has described these actions as being in breach of the Geneva Conventions, yet no action has been taken to halt these attacks.

For those Karen people who live in areas under the control of the dictatorship we are seeing a process of Burma negation whereby Karen people are losing their identity.  Karen language is not allowed to be taught, Karen history cannot be taught, cultural events cannot be celebrated and many Karen language books banned. The Pwo Karen language once common in the Irrawaddy delta region is starting to die out. Karen people face discrimination in employment, and so change their names to Burmese names. Younger generations of Karen people have lost their ethnic identity.

2010 elections and 2008 constitution

The KNU does not believe that the elections due in 2010 will provide any significant opportunity for reform or democratisation in Burma. There is overwhelming evidence for this.

• The referendum in 2008 exposed that no political campaigning is allowed unless approved and in line with SPDC policy, so no genuine political space will be created by the process of the elections.
• The referendum in 2008 also demonstrated that results will be rigged, and with the many other restrictions on freedom, they will ensure there is no way the elections will be free and fair.
• The Constitution enshrines military rule, with a military dominated National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) dominating government decision making.
• Existing repressive laws are not repealed.

Of particular concern for the KNU and all ethnic people is the impact of the Constitution on ethnic people. Ethnic people are given no genuine level of rights or autonomy. Our cultures, our languages, our traditions etc are given no protection, and will continue to be suppressed. We believe that this constitution is a death sentence for ethnic diversity in Burma.

In the short term the elections and constitution are leading to an increase human rights abuses and instability in Burma. The trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, the doubling of the number of political prisoners, the breaking of ceasefires, and increasing attacks of ethnic people and organisations that have not signed ceasefires, are all part of the 2010 election process, whereby all opposition is being crushed to ensure the smooth transition from military dictatorship to continued dictatorship with a civilian face.

While we appreciate the position of the United States government in that it will take into account the positions of the National League for Democracy and ethnic groups when deciding its approach to the 2010 elections, given the rapidly deteriorating situation in the country we do not believe that a ‘wait and see’  approach is a viable option. It is, we believe, based on a Rangoon/Naypyidaw centred approach to Burma that does not place enough emphasis on what is happening in ethnic areas. A major human rights and humanitarian crisis is unfolding in ethnic areas of Burma as attacks on ethnic people escalate. This is a direct result of SPDC’s 2010 elections agenda.

This year, in June, we saw around 6,000 Karen people forced to flee their homes because of increased attacks by the Burmese Army and their proxies. There have also been increased troops brought into Karenni and Shan States. Attacks will now start to escalate as the rainy season is ending. At the same time ceasefire groups are under pressure to surrender and place themselves under control of the Burmese Army. The dictatorship has already shown it is prepared to break ceasefires and use violence to impose its will. If the current trend continues it is possible that the Burmese Army will be engaged in significant military offensives in Mon, Karen, Karenni, Shan and Kachin States, which will result in significant loss of life, human rights abuses, and a major humanitarian crisis with international repercussions in terms of refugees and instability. 

It is ethnic people who will bear the brunt of this escalating crisis. The United States government should not follow a ‘wait and see’ approach focussing in the minutiae of developments in Rangoon and Nay Pyi Daw,  hoping for some small opening of political space, while tens of thousands of ethnic people flee for their lives in the east of the country.

This is a preventable crisis, but only if the international community acts on its own words and commitments. The United Nations General Assembly, United Nations Security Council, European Union, USA, and others, have all stated that for a viable and durable solution to the challenges facing Burma there must be tri-partite dialogue between the dictatorship, the National League for Democracy, and genuine ethnic representatives. At the present time we can detect no serious effort to enforce these resolutions and statements. The international community seems content to allow the dictatorship to defy them, and is following their 2010 agenda.

The exclusion of ethnic people from the political process in Burma

There can be no solution to the problems in Burma that excludes the rights and aspirations of ethnic people. This has been recognised by the international community, as it has repeatedly called for tri-partite dialogue.  Yet, at the same time, ethnic organisations such as the Karen National Union are often sidelined or ignored by the international community. For decades United Nations envoys come and go from Burma and the region, but rarely have they or their representatives met with the KNU or other ethnic organisations.  Envoys from other countries and organisations do the same. It is essential that this changes.

International Pressure

It is essential that the international community understand that the dictatorship in Burma is not interested in change. This basic understanding should inform all decision making.

Targeted Sanctions

We welcome the decision of the United States government to maintain existing sanctions. We are concerned, however, that the views and perspectives of ethnic people regarding sanctions have largely not been sought, or has been ignored, by the United States government and others.

From an ethnic perspective we have seen far too much investment in Burma, and far too few targeted sanctions. We are aware of the arguments that people in Burma could suffer because of the impact of sanctions. Again we see this argument as one that ignores the situation and views of ethnic people.  Even if sanctions were to result in the loss of jobs in one or more Burmese cities, this must be balanced against the terrible human cost that investment and increased trade in natural resources can have for ethnic people.

As ethnic people we experienced first-hand the results of the opening up of trade and investment in Burma in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, before sanctions started to be introduced. The military used these resources not for schools or hospitals. Instead the Burmese Army doubled in size, and was better trained and with more modern equipment. Attacks on ethnic people escalated significantly, resulting in huge suffering and displacement. Karen and other ethnic people paid for that investment with their lives.

The majority of people in Burma are in the towns, lowlands and mountains and do not benefit from investment. They are the ‘invisible’ population that the world cannot see and any media cannot meet with, but which suffers appalling poverty and abuses at the hand of the dictatorship.

The way the dictatorship has structured the economy, selling off gas and hydropower to which could generate electricity for neighbouring countries, leaving Burma unable to develop economically, is evidence that they are not interested in economic development. Instead all they consider is their own power and enrichment. The only way to tackle Burma’s humanitarian and development problems is to have a government accountable to the people.

We believe that more targeted sanctions should continue to be introduced by the United States government and international community. However, these sanctions should be better targeted and coordinated.  They should include a UN mandated global arms embargo.

Dialogue

The KNU welcomes the proposal by the United States government to increase dialogue with the dictatorship. KNU has itself repeatedly tried to enter into dialogue, but on each occasion the dictatorship has shown itself unwilling to enter into genuine talks, instead requiring effective surrender and refusing to make any concessions. Our experience mirrors that experienced by the National League for Democracy and Aung San Suu Kyi.

The international community has also failed to elicit any concretes results as a result of dialogue, including more than 40 visits by envoys of the United Nations, and even the Secretary General himself.  We therefore welcome the approach of the United States government in stating that dialogue must produce concrete results, and not be an endless process.

Humanitarian Assistance

We thank the people and the government of the USA for the humanitarian assistance they provide to the people of Burma, including the Karen. The dictatorship uses denial of aid as part of its policy to drive out ethnic people. In most parts of Karen state there is extreme poverty and hardship, and hundreds of thousands of Internally Displaced People (IDPs). Aid delivery from within the country is severely restricted. Cross-border aid is the only way to reach many people, not just the 100,000 IDPs. The aid currently getting through cross-border is not nearly enough to meet current needs, and lives are being lost as a result. Refugees in Thailand have also been suffering as a result of financial instability at organisations supporting them, and secure long-term funding is required to avoid unnecessary insecurity and suffering for vulnerable refugees who have also experienced horrific situations that forced them to become refugees.

The KNU controls and operates in significant territory in Karen State. We operate local services, including schools and clinics. We provide safety and security to people fleeing attacks by the Burmese Army. However, the United Nations and governments refuse to work with us in delivering humanitarian assistance, providing education and other assistance to the population, most of whom live in poverty. One reason given for this is that we are an armed group. However, the largest armed group in Burma is the dictatorship, and the United Nations and governments work with them, despite the fact that they are illegitimate and break international law. Our Army is to defend civilians, not attack them as the Burmese Army does. In addition, we respect human rights and support democracy, and are a democratic organisation.  We have also offered to abide by monitoring rules and requirements set by the UN or other donors, and unlike the dictatorship, place no restrictions on the delivery of aid. It does not, therefore, seem logical to refuse to work with the KNU.

Hundreds of thousands of people in Karen State desperately need aid. The dictatorship refuses to allow aid to be delivered. The KNU is ready to cooperate with the international community to save lives and alleviate suffering, and we urge the United States government to work with us to ensure that aid is not denied to those in need, simply because of their ethnicity.

We are grateful to the people of the USA for accepting thousands of Karen refugees. However, the UN resettlement programme does not address the root causes of why people are being forced to flee their homeland, and it is important that the cause, military offensives by the Burmese Army which the United Nations has stated are war crimes, are addressed as well.

Summary of Recommendations:

• The views and situation of ethnic people and their genuine representative organisations should be fully integrated into future United States government policy decision making on Burma. We feel we have not had sufficient outreach by US Embassy officials based in Bangkok. In addition, diplomatic representatives based in Rangoon should ensure they meet with ethnic representatives in neighbouring countries, as it is not possible for them to do so in Burma.

• The United States government should encourage other governments, the United Nations, and other international organisations, to increase diplomatic contact with ethnic political/armed organisations.

• A wait and see approach towards 2010 risks Burma descending into chaos and humanitarian crisis. Instead the United States government should take the lead in mobilising the international community to pressure the dictatorship to enter into genuine tri-partite dialogue.

• Targeted Economic sanctions deprive the dictatorship of revenue required for committing war crimes. Existing sanctions should be maintained, and where required refined to be more effective. The United States government should introduce new targeted sanctions, in cooperation with other willing countries if possible.

• The United States government should work to build support at the United Nations Security Council for a global arms embargo on Burma.

• The USG should increase cross-border aid for Internally Displaced People.

• The USG should increase long-term funding for refugees on the Thailand Burma border.

• The USG should cooperate with the KNU in ensuring aid reaches people on the basis on need.

• USG dialogue with the dictatorship is welcome, but must be high-level to have any chance of success, time-bound, and deliver concrete results.

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